Project Information | Archive of News Highlights

 

N O V E M B E R -- 1 9 9 8

CENTRAL AMERICA

PANAMA

MEXICO

CHILE

COLOMBIA

BRAZIL

 



Central America

Hurricane Mitch in the News

"Central America Paralyzed by Mitch," by Andres Viglucci, Juan Tamayo & Glenn Garvin of the Miami Herald;
"Mitch Left Honduras a Republic Without Bananas," by John Ward of the Washington Post and
"European Aid Sets An Example," by Andres Oppenheimer of the Miami Herald.


The tragedy of hurricane Mitch dominated press coverage of Latin America during the first weeks of November. Numerous articles describe the devastation suffered by the people of Central America, as well as the impact on the future of these nations' economies. Check out ISLA's Caribbean Basin section, as well as the impacted countries for details.

 

Panama

Noriega Not the Problem

"In Panama, Drug Money's Clout Outlives Noriega," by Douglas Farah of the Washington Post.

Farah exposes the pervasive influence of drug money in Panamanian governing circles since the U.S. invasion arresting General Manuel Noriega. The May 29 arrest of Colombian drug trafficker, Jose Castrillón Henao, followed a year long investigation involving six countries, the CIA and the DEA. The investigation revealed that Castrillón helped finance the successful campaign of President Ernesto Pérez Balladares in 1994. Castrillón funneled money through Pérez Balladares' Vice-President, Felipe Virzi. The U.S. government suppressed all news of drug-related corruption during this period in an attempt to enhance its position while bargaining over troop withdrawal, Canal possession, and military bases.

 


Mexico

Zapatistas Meet with Congressional
Peace Commission


"Mexico's Zapatistas Make Move Toward Peace," by James Smith of the Los Angeles Times.


"29 masked commanders, including five women, received thunderous applause as they strode into the church hall" at the inaugural session of the movement's "Encounter with Civil Society." The "Encounter" coincided with meetings between the Zapatistas and a Congressional Commission (COCOPA). The 2,000 delegates provided a civilian shield protecting the largest number of Zapatista commanders to come out of hiding since the movement began.

Both the Times and the Washington Post noted that the Zapatistas were irate over the COCOPA's "racist treatment" of their leaders. Facilities for the Zapatistas were quite unlike the posh accommodations usually available at diplomatic gatherings. The Zapatistas were provided with rusty cots to sleep on, toilets which did not function, and no working telephones or fax lines. The poor start was amplified by the Congressional team's unwillingness to assure support for and implementation of the peace accords signed by Zedillo. Implementation of the peace accords was one of the five demands the Zapatistas brought to the table. The legislative Commission later offered two sealed envelopes from the government containing conditions for negotiations. The Zapatistas refused to accept the envelopes sent on the government's behalf, saying that the COCOPA had not been appointed as a mediating body. More successful were the Zapatistas' meetings with the civilian delegations, including NGO's and grassroots activists.

 

Chile

Justice on the Horizon?

"European's, But Not U.S., Rejoice at Ruling," by Tim Weiner of the New York Times.


Statements in support of Pinochet's continued detention and future extradition, resounded throughout Europe. Mary Robinson of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights based in Geneva, remarked that the ruling "will hearten human rights defenders around the world," and that the decision "confirmed the emerging international consensus against impunity." Jacque Chirac, President of France, said "May justice be done, and may light be fully shed on Pinochet's responsibilities," while the French Prime Minister, Lionel Jospin, said "It's a surprise, it's a joy, and it's bad news for dictators."

"U.S. Officials: Evidence Lacking on Pinochet," by the Herald Staff and Wire Reports.

The Clinton administration feels there is no hard evidence that Pinochet is responsible for crimes which might subject him to extradition by the U.S. Apparently, the Justice Department, the National Security Council and the State Department were discussing extradition of Pinochet due to his involvement in the Latelier case. A U.S. investigation concluded that the chief of Pinochet's secret police was involved in the conspiracy to kill Orlando Letelier. Lawrence Barcella, prosecutor in the case, declared last week that it was "inconceivable" that Pinochet was not involved.

"Into the Murky Depths of 'Operation Condor'," by Lucy Komisar of the Los Angeles Times.

"Operation Condor" is behind the Spanish request for the extradition of Pinochet, yet this article by Lucy Komisar is among the very few in the U.S. press with information on this terror network. The U.S. government is currently releasing declassified documents to the Spanish judiciary, however it refuses to send all relevant papers in State Department, Pentagon, FBI and CIA archives. Perhaps this is because the CIA and the Chilean secret police (formerly known as the DINA) were working together, according to U.S. Embassy political officer John Tipton. Lucy Komisar, author of this gripping article, is working on a book on U.S. human rights policy which includes a detailed case study of Chile.

Colombia

Human Rights Awards for Colombians

"Four Activists Deplore Tide of Violence" by Frank Davies of the Miami Herald.

Jaime Prieto Méndez, Bernice Celeyta, Gloria Flores and Mario Calixto received the Robert Kennedy Human Rights award for "speaking out, organizing and risking their lives daily," according to the Miami Herald. Prieto Méndez has been a human rights activist for 22 years. Despite their efforts, they are none too optimistic. They feel that civilians are in more danger now than ever. They are very concerned that negotiating for peace in the midst of so much conflict may "intensify confrontation and criminal action against the civilian population." Certainly that has been the case in their own situations. Mario Calixto formed a group documenting abuses by both guerrillas and death squads, and offering legal relocation to peasants. He now lives in exile and his organization was forced to shut down. Bernarda Celeyta, helped 9,000 displaced miners and peasants extract an agreement from the government that they could return home. Last week, four of her colleagues were killed, leaving serious questions about the accords. Gloria Flores worked with Celeyta for the past six years. She asserted that the government has not shown the "political will" to dismantle paramilitary groups linked to the army.

 

Brazil

Does Brazil Need to be "Rescued"?

"In Brazil, the Goal is Fiscal Discipline," by Katherine Ellison of the Miami Herald.

The impact of IMF reforms on the general populace can be fatal. A case in point, is the cut to health spending President Cardoso is proposing. Even before the cuts, Ms. Ellison tells of an ill woman forced to begin standing in line at 4:00 a.m. and wait two hours in line to make an appointment for two months later! Cuts, rather than controls characterize the IMF conditions for receiving a loan, and the repercussions are all too familiar to Brazilians. Even industry is expecting the worse from the proposed reforms, as a new tax on all financial transactions will now double the cost of such a transaction.

"Can Brazil Afford to Be Rescued?" by Mark Weisbrot of the Washington Post.

Mr. Weisbrot's critical opinion piece is a clear departure from the notion of an IMF "rescue". While the IMF package is the big news in both October and November mainstream press coverage, analysis of the proposed reforms and "danger signals" in an economy, is scarce. Weisbrot makes the point that the Brazilian budget deficit is currently "6.1 percent of the economy (or GDP). To put this in perspective, the United States government ran a budget deficit of 6.1 percent of the GDP in 1983, with no harm done. One might argue that either of these deficits is too high over the long run, but there is no urgency in cutting them. It is sometimes feared that budget deficits in this range will cause accelerating inflation, but this is clearly not the case in Brazil, where inflation is at 3 percent." He concludes by noting that any money from the IMF was contingent upon U.S. imposed economic policy reforms. The fact that Brazilian economic policy has been decided in Washington, rather than Brazil, brings immediate questions about democracy, as well as a forecast for upcoming confrontations in both the Brazilian legislature and the streets.

See the ISLA November 1998 volume (print format) for the full version of these and other articles.

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