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Those of us who have been following developments in what has become a virtual
"Chilean soap-opera," have witnessed the painful fragility of
the Chilean democratic system. General Pinochet's arrest reveals how Chile's
"protected democracy" is in the hands of military and corporate
powers. The unexpected turn of events resulting in Pinochet's arrest, has
drawn attention to the inevitable debt Chile's "transition to democracy"
has with respect to basic human rights violations committed during the Pinochet
regime. Retired General Pinochet Ugarte, Senator-for Life, is presently
interned in a psychiatric clinic outside of London waiting for his extradition
to Spain where -- if all runs smoothly -- he will be put to trial for crimes
against humanity.
Pinochet's arrest placed Chile's Concertación political coalition
and a decade's worth of "transition to democracy" under close
scrutiny. Deep wounds that have yet to heal are now exposed to the world.
Immediately after Pinochet's arrest, opinions polarized radically within
the Chilean political spectrum. The army, along with the political and corporate
right wing, holds Pinochet as their supreme leader.
International pressure on the military dictatorship during the late eighties
forced Pinochet to devise a pact that would secure him a position of power
during both the transition period, and in upcoming governments. Having rewritten
the Constitution to assure himself a lifetime role in succeeding governments,
and having secured the most radical, iniquitous neo-liberal economy in the
region, Pinochet felt confident enough to be quoted as saying "mission
accomplished" before relinquishing the presidency to Patricio Alwyn.
A national plebiscite held in 1988 yielded a 55% vote in favor of Pinochet
stepping down. Elections were held in 1989, where the center-left Concertación
candidate -- Patricio Alywin -- won. The Concertación became
the official coalition body to sign the "transition" chapter,
agreeing to the present electoral system that automatically excludes minority
parties, such as the Communist Party. Other components of the secret pact
made with the Alywin government included an end to the civilian governments'
authority to make high-level military appointments, and the positioning
of Pinochet as Senator-for-Life in the newly reopened Senate.
In spite of ample evidence of crimes committed during the Pinochet regime,
as documented by the 1991 Retting Report (the product of a "Truth and
Reconciliation" Commission appointed by President Alywin himself),
only two military personnel have been jailed. These are retired General
Manuel Contreras and Colonel Pedro Espinoza, who were literally turned in
by the army in 1995 in an attempt to stop Pinochet from being put on trial.
Contreras had been Pinochet's right hand man, director of the National Intelligence
Directorate (DINA) that, with CIA backing was responsible for thousands
of political murders, tortures and disappearances on a national and international
level. Contreras was accused of masterminding the 1976 car-bomb assassination
of Orlando Letelier (Allende's former minister of foreign affairs) and his
colleague Ronni Moffit in Washington D.C. Another Pinochet opponent assassinated
by car bomb was General Carlos Prats and his wife while living in exile
in Buenos Aires.
With the passage of an amnesty law in 1978 clearing the military of any
crimes committed between 1973 and 1978, Pinochet felt quite safe at home.
Little did he imagine that in England -- his "favorite country",
and home to his dear friend Margaret Thatcher -- his crimes would resurface
to haunt him.
Polarization of Politics in Chile
Given the ambiguity of the Concertación's political platform,
Chilean society has become increasingly polarized. This polarization is
extremely evident in light of the unexpected triumph of the Communist Party
(PC) in nearly all of the nation's main unions and of the Communist Youth
in the universities. Indeed, the Communist Youth has even won elections
in the traditionally right-wing Catholic University; and recently -- with
almost 70% of the votes -- in the Student Federation of the University of
Chile, the country's largest student group. Instead of a "punishment
vote" against the Concertación, this situation suggests that
workers and students identify the PC's discourse as a valid response to
the every-day social issues ignored by the national political agenda.
Today, the Concertación coalition risks falling apart given
the conflicting positions on the Pinochet arrest held by its collection
of parties. On the one hand, the Christian Democrat Party (DC) calls for
Pinochet's freedom, alluding to his status as former Head of State, as well
as for humanitarian reasons. On the other hand, the Socialist Party (PS)
maintains itself aloof, giving its members of parliament the freedom to
voice their personal opinions. Among the PS members who are human rights
activists, are Representative Juan Pablo Letelier (son of the ex-Chancellor
killed in Washington), Representative Isabel Allende, daughter of ex-president
Salvador Allende, and Mayor Sofia Prats (daughter of Carlos Prats, killed
in Buenos Aires). They traveled to London to work on the appeal to the House
of Lords.
A recent study by the right-wing think tank Instituto Libertad y Desarrollo
(Liberty and Development Institute) states: "We believed we were living
in a pacted transition, but it seems we were deceived. A segment of Chilean
society (the Socialist Party) that had appeared to follow the agreement
has not adhered to the pact during the last few days."
The Concertación's move to the right has been counterbalanced
by the Socialist Party's call for justice in the case of human rights abuses.
Andrés Zaldivar, the Christian Democrat Party presidential candidate
for 1999, has claimed that Pinochet's arrest is "proof that the quest
for revenge is stronger than that of reconciliation." Zaldivar, who
was a staunch opponent of Allende and supported military intervention in
1973, received Pinochet's endorsement for president shortly before his trip
to London. If Pinochet were to return to Chile, it is to be expected that
the right-wing parties would ask him to retire from public life, in response
to the ex-dictator's deteriorated image both nationally and abroad. His
image could prove an obstacle in attaining the much sought after alliance
with the Christian Democrats.
It is difficult to forecast the upcoming electoral platform in Chile. A
Socialist Party split with the governing coalition is no guarantee that
they will join with the more marginalized parties, such as the Communist
Party or the Humanist Party, with a combined 11% electoral following. A
PS alliance with these parties would not bring the same voting percentage
that an alliance between the Christian Democrats and the Right would. In
light of the political climate, the latter formula will be the most likely
scenario to take place. This rightward swing would radicalize the present
economic system, guaranteeing an increase in social conflicts led by a well-organized
minority of students and workers.
It remains to be seen how the present crisis impacts 1999's presidential
elections. As it now stands, candidates Ricardo Lagos (PS), Andrés
Zaldivar (DC), Joaquín Lavin (of the right-wing Unión Democrática
Independiente), Sebastián Pinera (of the right-wing Renovación
Nacional), and Gladys Marin (Partido Comunista).
The big loser in this scenario is Chile's political system, which has once
again failed to face -- much less solve -- its internal debts and conflicts.
Chile's collective traumas are resurfacing ten years after the demise of
one of Latin America's darkest military dictatorships. The country's army
has won wars and battles only against its own people, those who it originally
swore to defend.
Epilogue: November 25, 1998
The House of Lord's decision to revoke Pinochet's immunity is not a "violation
of National Sovereignty by foreigners," as the Chilean military argue.
Neither is it a "ruthless revenge" against Pinochet, as the right-wing
politicians would have it. Rather, what we see today is the application
of justice and reason.
Finally, the repression, torture, exile and death of thousands of Chileans
might find the moral and legal sanction Allende had called for during his
last speech delivered immediately before his death, as the Government Palace
was being bombarded by Pinochet's army.
Perhaps this is the birth of a new Chile where democracy's mutilated tenets
are restored. Perhaps the "ample avenues" with which Allende,
our "compañero presidente" ("comrade president"),
had dreamt are finally being opened. And perhaps it is up to us Chileans,
both at home and in exile, to carry out the task of building this new country
where justice is truly enjoyed.
Translated by ISLA. The author
can be reached at ricardo@globalexchange.org
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